"The Presidency must learn that democracy is strengthened, not threatened by dissent"
There
is something profoundly troubling when a democratic government begins to regard
every critical voice as an enemy and every uncomfortable observation as an act
of political hostility. Democracy is not measured by how a government treats those who praise it. Rather, it is measured by how it responds to criticism.
| His Excellency, John Cardinal Onaiyekan, Archbishop Emeritus of Abuja, |
John Cardinal
Onaiyekan does not have to be right on every issue. No human being is.
The
Presidency is equally entitled to disagree with him. What should worry us is
when disagreement with a respected religious leader descends into questioning
his motives, integrity or right to intervene in the affairs of the country.
That
is unnecessary. It is also dangerous for democracy.
The
appropriate response to an argument is a better argument.
The
answer to criticism is superior evidence.
The
antidote to an uncomfortable opinion is not intimidation, vilification or
character assassination.
A Presidency confident in its achievements should have no reason to fear a priest's microphone.
The Church Was Never Ordained to Be Government's Praise Singer
There
appears to be a growing misconception that religious leaders should restrict
themselves to preaching salvation, conducting marriages, administering
sacraments and burying the dead while leaving governance entirely to
politicians.
History
teaches otherwise.
The
authentic Church has always possessed a prophetic responsibility to speak truth
to temporal authority.
From
the biblical prophets who confronted kings to contemporary religious leaders
who challenged oppressive governments, the responsibility of the clergy has
never ended at the church door.
When
society hurts, the Church cannot pretend not to hear its cries.
When
citizens are hungry, religious leaders cannot preach as though hunger were
merely an economic statistic.
When
families struggle to feed themselves, when transportation costs consume
household incomes, when businesses buckle under operating costs, when graduates
wander for years without meaningful employment, when pensioners struggle to
survive, and when ordinary workers discover that their wages can barely take
them through the month, the priest, pastor or imam cannot reasonably be
expected to remain silent. These Nigerians constitute their congregations.
They
are the people sitting in church pews on Sundays and praying in mosques on
Fridays. Religious leaders conduct their weddings, baptise their children,
counsel their distressed families and bury those among them who die.
They
encounter the human consequences of government policies in ways that official statistics
sometimes cannot capture.
Consequently,
when a religious leader draws government's attention to hardship, insecurity,
poverty or despair, he is not necessarily campaigning for an opposition party.
He may simply be reporting the suffering he encounters daily among the people
entrusted to his spiritual care.
A
government may dispute his conclusions. It cannot reasonably deny him the right
to speak.
From Washington: Bishop Budde Looked
a President in the Face
Only
recently, the world witnessed an extraordinary example of the Church exercising
this prophetic responsibility.
On
January 21, 2025, at the Washington National Cathedral, Episcopal Bishop
Mariann Edgar Budde stood before President Donald Trump, who was sitting in the
front row, and appealed directly to him to show mercy towards immigrants and
vulnerable people affected by his administration's policies.
Trump
strongly criticised her afterwards and demanded an apology; Bishop Budde
refused to withdraw her message, explaining that her appeal had been for
compassion and mercy.
The
important lesson for Nigeria is not that American political leaders always
graciously accept criticism. They plainly do not.
The
lesson is that a bishop could stand before the President of the United States
and challenge the moral implications of government policy because prophetic
intervention remains part of the legitimate space occupied by religious
leadership in a democratic society.
If
Bishop Budde could ask an American President to reconsider how his policies
affect immigrants, why should Cardinal Onaiyekan be expected to look away from
conditions affecting millions of Nigerians?
Desmond Tutu Did Not Keep Quiet Under
Apartheid
The
historical example is even more compelling in South Africa.
Desmond
Tutu did not become one of Africa's most revered religious leaders because he
remained diplomatically silent while apartheid ravaged his people.
He
confronted injustice.
He
condemned apartheid.
He
challenged government policies.
He
mobilised moral opinion at home and abroad.
The
Nobel Committee eventually recognised Tutu's leadership in the non-violent
struggle against apartheid when it awarded him the 1984 Nobel Prize
Tutu's
interventions were unquestionably political in their consequences, but fundamentally
moral in their origins.
Had
Tutu accepted the argument that clergymen should not comment on government,
apartheid would have lost one of its most powerful moral opponents.
History
vindicated the priest, not apartheid.
Martin Luther King Jr. Was a Reverend
Before He Became a Global Icon
The
same lesson comes from the United States.
Martin
Luther King Jr. was not merely a political activist. He was the Reverend Dr
Martin Luther King Jr., a Baptist minister whose Christian convictions were
inseparable from his struggle against racial injustice.
When
authorities considered his agitation inconvenient and he was jailed during the
Birmingham campaign in 1963, King wrote his historic Letter from Birmingham
Jail, explaining why waiting indefinitely for justice was morally unacceptable.
The
Federal Judicial Center describes the letter as one of the most important
documents to emerge from America's civil-rights movement.
Imagine
telling Martin Luther King that segregation was a political matter and therefore
none of the Church's business.
Imagine
telling Desmond Tutu that apartheid was government policy and therefore outside
the pulpit's jurisdiction.
Imagine
telling Bishop Budde that immigration was exclusively presidential business and
therefore beneath ecclesiastical commentary.
History
would consider such arguments absurd.
Why,
then, should Nigeria expect something different from Cardinal Onaiyekan?
Criticism Is Not Treason
This
is where the Nigerian Presidency must exercise restraint.
Cardinal
Onaiyekan is neither an elected opposition politician nor an aspirant to the
Presidency. He is a senior religious leader and elder statesman expressing his
understanding of developments in his country.
Government
is perfectly entitled to respond.
But
response is different from disparagement.
If
Onaiyekan presents incorrect statistics, correct him with credible statistics.
If
he misrepresents a government programme, explain the programme.
If
he criticises an economic policy, demonstrate its achievements.
If
he exaggerates the country's difficulties, present evidence showing
improvement.
That
is democratic engagement.
But
casting aspersions on the character or intentions of a respected religious
leader merely because his observations make government uncomfortable lowers the
quality of national discourse.
Democracy
does not require citizens to agree with government; rather, it requires
government to tolerate citizens who disagree with it.
Indeed,
one of the earliest warning signs of authoritarianism is the gradual
construction of an environment in which criticism of government becomes
synonymous with hostility to the state. Nigeria must never travel that road.
The Irony of a Presidency With a
Pastor as First Lady
There
is an additional irony that should encourage reflection rather than
confrontation.
Nigeria's
First Lady, Senator Oluremi Tinubu, is herself an ordained pastor of the
Redeemed Christian Church of God.
That
fact makes it even more important for the administration to appreciate the
independence and prophetic responsibility of the clergy.
Surely,
Christianity cannot demand that pastors speak about righteousness only when
righteousness concerns private individuals but remain silent when moral
questions intersect with public policy.
The
pulpit cannot become prophetic when the opposition governs and suddenly become
apolitical when one's preferred government assumes office.
Moral
authority loses its meaning when its application depends upon who occupies Aso
Rock.
Government Should Listen to the
Message, Not Attack the Messenger
Nigeria
is going through difficult times. This is not a partisan statement.
It
is an everyday reality for many families.
The
real question should therefore not be:
Why
is Onaiyekan talking?
It
should be:
What
conditions are making respected national figures feel compelled to talk?
Government
should worry less about voices describing hardship and concentrate more on
reducing hardship itself.
Silencing
the person who announces that a building is burning does not extinguish the
fire. Attacking the thermometer does not cure the fever. And discrediting the
priest who reports his congregation's cries does not remove the circumstances
that produce those cries.
If
government succeeds in improving living conditions, creating employment,
reducing insecurity, restoring purchasing power and giving Nigerians renewed
confidence in tomorrow, the testimonies of ordinary citizens will become
government's most persuasive public-relations machinery.
No
presidential spokesman or Minister can communicate government success more effectively
than a citizen whose life has genuinely improved.
Let Onaiyekan Speak
The
Presidency must therefore resist the temptation to personalise criticism.
Let
Cardinal Onaiyekan speak.
Let
the bishops speak.
Let
the pastors speak.
Let
the imams speak.
Let
traditional rulers speak.
Let
academics speak.
Let
journalists speak.
Let
organised labour speak.
Let
civil society speak.
And,
above all, let ordinary Nigerians speak.
Government
too should speak and defend its record vigorously.
That
is the beauty of democracy: arguments competing in the marketplace of ideas
while citizens ultimately make their judgement.
Muzzling
dissent is not democratic strength. It is evidence of democratic insecurity.
A
government does not become weaker because a priest criticises it.
It
becomes stronger when it can hear uncomfortable truths without reaching for the
weapon of personal denunciation.
Cardinal
Onaiyekan's obligation as a cleric is to his conscience, his faith and the
people among whom he ministers.
Government's
obligation is to govern.
Where
the two intersect, disagreement is inevitable. But disagreement must never
become intolerance.
Desmond
Tutu spoke.
Martin
Luther King Jr. spoke.
Bishop
Mariann Budde spoke.
Across
generations and continents, religious leaders have challenged presidents, prime
ministers, military regimes and unjust political establishments because
conscience sometimes demands that the pulpit address the palace.
Nigeria
should not be different.
The
Presidency may disagree with Cardinal Onaiyekan. It may reject his conclusions.
It may challenge his facts. It may even consider his intervention unfair.
But
it should defend, rather than diminish, his right to speak.
For the day priests become afraid to speak, journalists become afraid to write, academics become afraid to question, and citizens become afraid to complain is the day democracy begins its silent retreat.
"And Nigeria has travelled too far on its democratic journey to start walking backwards"

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