Political Panorama Issue No 23
The Nigerian democratic space is under siege. Barely days after the police disruption of the ADC
convergence in Kaduna, an act that culminated in the invitation of Mallam Nasir El Rufai and six other
party leaders, has the same pattern unfolded in Lagos. This time, the police stormed and sealed Lion’s
Field in Alimosho Local Government, the designated venue for an ADC leaders’ convergence, 24 hours
before its scheduled take-off.
The event, spearheaded by Dr. Abdul Azeez Akinwale Akinsanya and Mr. Olalekan Anjolaiya aka aerosoft, with strong backing from Lagos ADC Chairman George Ashiru, the Obedient Movement led by Gbadebo Rhodes Vivour and Rainbow Alliance led by Olatunji Olateju, was intended to showcase ADC’s rising strength and unity. Instead, the venue was locked down under the vague justification of “orders from above.” Attempts by Gbadebo to reach the Lagos State Commissioner of Police proved futile.
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| Police at the Alimosho Event Ground |
The
Danger of “Orders from Above”
The
Nigeria Police Act 2020 goes
beyond rhetoric. Section 137 of the Act underscores that officers are not bound to obey unlawful orders, and,
must report them. This is an explicit safeguard against partisan deployment. If
a venue is to be closed, the police should cite a specific legal power and
produce the written order or court process, Vague “security concerns” or verbal
directives are not enough in a constitutional democracy.
The
Alimosho development is not an isolated occurrence. It is symptomatic of a
larger malaise. Nigeria has fought hard to escape the shackles of authoritarian
rule, yet the deployment of the police to pre-empt and disrupt legitimate
political gatherings drags the country back to the shadows of military-style
governance. When the police, an institution meant to serve all Nigerians
impartially, becomes the barricade against free assembly, democracy itself is
barricaded.
Nigeria’s
constitution protects freedom of association and peaceful assembly. Any
restriction must be lawful, necessary, and proportionate. The Court of Appeal
in IGP v. ANPP (2007) held that, requiring police permits for peaceful rallies is unconstitutional. This was a
landmark guardrail against using security agencies to stifle politics.
Those
guarantees are reinforced by Nigeria’s international obligations such as ICCPR Article 21 and African Charter Article 11. The latter
having domestic force via the African Charter (Ratification and Enforcement)
Act and affirmed by the Supreme Court in Abacha v. Fawehinmi (2000). The Supreme Court clearly affirms that peaceful
political meetings are presumed lawful and the burden is on the state to
justify any interference.
In
a nutshell, Nigeria’s constitution and the court guarantee freedom of association and
peaceful assembly. By sealing political venues on the eve of opposition events,
the police have crossed the line from protectors of order to enforcers of
partisanship.
The
APC’s Fear of 2027
Security-led
gatekeeping of political space tilts the field before ballots are cast,
undermining 2027’s credibility. Even if stability is the stated goal,
disproportionate restrictions signal fear rather than confidence. This
inference is strengthened by the rapid sequence of summonses and closures
around ADC activities. The Police disruptions are frankly not about “security.”
It is all about fear. The ruling APC, confronted with the growing momentum of
an opposition coalition that could reshape 2027, is using state security
apparatus to suffocate that momentum before it flowers. The Kaduna disruption
and the Alimosho lockdown both reveal a ruling party terrified of free
political competition. Such fear-driven governance is the seedbed of
authoritarianism.
Fear is a terrible foundation for stability. Each time the police block an
opposition meeting, the government confirms to Nigerians and the international
community that it doubts its own legitimacy. Far from strengthening its grip,
it accelerates the erosion of public trust.
International
human-rights standards are explicit on restrictions on assembly. These standards
clearly stipulate that restrictions on assembly must be exceptional and
strictly necessary. Routine, pre-emptive closures or amorphous “orders” invert
those standards and habituate the bureaucracy to unlawful shortcuts.
The
Consequences of Police Partisanship
There
is a dangerous irony here. In weaponising the police for political purposes,
the state risks delegitimising the very institution it relies upon. Once the
public begins to see the Nigeria Police not as their police, but as the
“Government Police Party,” a reputational wound that would be hard to heal, the
gap between citizens and law enforcement will widen into open defiance.
History shows that when people lose faith in state policing, they improvise. People may rally towards self-help structures that may herald the
beginnings of what could be called a “People’s Police Party.” Such parallel
legitimacy structures are unstable, unpredictable, and often uncontrollable. The
state itself may be unable to contain the consequences once the Government
Police Party and People’s Police Party confront each other. The state needs to
avoid this situation.
The
Path Forward
Nigeria
stands at a red line. If the government truly believes in its vision for 2027,
it must allow the field to be contested openly and freely. The police must
immediately withdraw from Lion’s Field and cease acting as political referees.
Police officers, bound by the Nigeria Police Act 2020, are not obliged to obey
unlawful commands, and sealing venues without lawful basis is one such unlawful
act.
The
Alimosho shutdown is indefensible in law and reckless in politics. The Kaduna
summonses and closures already show a pattern that, if left unchecked, will
harden perceptions that the state fears open competition in 2027. That is the
road to authoritarian habits, not democratic consolidation. The police exist to
protect constitutional politics
and not to curate it. Nigeria’s laws and the world’s standards leave no
ambiguity on that point
If
this trend continues, Nigeria risks normalising authoritarian exceptionalism,
alienating its youth, and fueling political instability. The lesson is clear:
democracy cannot survive when the police are tools of partisan control.
Recommendations
- now, not later
- Unseal
venues and guarantee safe passage. Where there is no specific, published legal order, the
police should immediately vacate sealed political venues and provide
security to all parties on equal terms.
- Publish
the basis of any restrictions. If the police rely on a court order or specific
statute, release it. Sunlight is the antidote to suspicion.
- Legislative
oversight.
The National Assembly’s Police Committees should open hearings on
political-event policing practices ahead of 2027.
- Judicial
remedy.
Organisers should file for enforcement of fundamental rights and seek
urgent injunctive relief where closures occur without lawful basis. Courts
have already set the standard in IGP v. ANPP.
- PSC and
NHRC review.
The Police Service Commission and National Human Rights Commission should
investigate alleged partisan deployments and sanction responsible officers
where findings confirm abuse.
- Political
class restraint.
All parties - ruling and opposition must eschew “might makes right.” Using
the police to hobble rivals today legitimises the same playbook against
you tomorrow.
Political
Panorama insists on the stand that Nigeria Police must reclaim its
constitutional role as a neutral protector of all citizens, not as the hired
muscle of the ruling party. The health of our republic and the peace of our
future depends on it.
Until next week, this is Political Panorama with Ola Olateju - Voice of the Coalition. Voice of the People.
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